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To take a few examples: Brown also deleted a reference to the paper from its website. In many cases, social justice activists within organizations have managed to exert pressure. Last year, Google engineer James Damore was fired after an internal memo he wrote was leaked to technology website Gizmodo, causing an uproar within the company.
His resulting lawsuit offered some insight into how social justice ideology has become institutionalized through training programs and lectures, and is now being implemented into a variety of company policies.
Ex-Google engineer James Damore. When Peterson reported the story to a conservative news outlet, his account was restored without explanation.
YouTube is a Google subsidiary. Controversial research papers are published all the time. Harris, Murray, and Peterson all regularly speak in front of large audiences without issue. Peterson has sold two million copies of his recent book and is in the midst of a worldwide tour.
And given what appears to be an increased ability of these activists to exert influence, especially through powerful corporations like Google and Apple, it would be foolish not to take this possibility seriously.
Indeed, many centrists and conservatives are deeply concerned. Under the charge of cultural appropriationsocial justice activists both inside and outside organizations have tried to use cultural power—and in some cases institutional power—to restrict the clothes people wear and the food they eat.
Following the birth of the MeToo movement, activists have in many cases succeeded in convincing universities and other organizations to introduce stricter regulations on interpersonal contact.
In some cases, efforts by social justice activists involve not just restrictions on speech and behavior, but compulsion.
Taken together, these incidents suggest a desire by social justice activists to regulate a wide range of speech and behavior and an increasing ability to do so.
But what are they ultimately working to achieve?
Perhaps the best place to try to understand this is at universities, where social justice activism seems to originate and where the culture that supports it is strongest. Weinstein and and his wife, Heather Heying—also a professor— left Evergreen last year after they were targeted in a series of escalating student protests that threatened to become violent.
Psychologist Lee Jussim suggested in a comprehensive overview earlier this year that there is an intolerance problem, but that it has been overblown in the conservative news media.
That said, these discussions have naturally focussed on larger incidents where invited speakers have been protested or faculty members fired. The more interesting phenomenon described by Deresiewicz and Weinstein is a shift in the everyday culture on campuses, characterized by students policing themselves and others according to a narrowly defined dogma.
Consequently, this policing is not primarily directed at conservatives, but at other progressives. Indeed, this does appear to be happening, as described earlier.
It might seem strange to invoke French philosopher Michel Foucault, since he is often associated with the contemporary social justice movement, but few people have been able to understand and critique conformity as well as him.
If we want to understand why so much conformity is being produced in progressive environments, and why it is spreading, Foucault is a good place to turn. I would argue, in fact, that many of the mechanisms that Foucault characterized as producing conformity in the earlier criminal justice system have close analogues in what we might describe as the emerging social justice system.
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